ArabicIn IndonesianIn FrenchIn SpanishIn Russian
Central Africa
Horn of Africa
Southern Africa
West Africa
Afghanistan & South Asia
Burma/Myanmar
Central Asia
Indonesia
Albania
Bosnia
Kosovo
Macedonia
Montenegro
Serbia
Colombia
Arab-Israeli Conflict
Egypt/North Africa
Iraq/Iran/Gulf
EU
HIV/AIDS
Terrorism
Overview
Who's on ICG's Board
Who's on ICG's Staff
What they say about ICG
Publications
Latest Annual Report
Comments/Op-Eds
Internal News
Web site of Gareth Evans
Vacancies
How to help
Donors
ICG Brussels
ICG Washington
ICG New York
ICG Paris
ICG London
Media Releases
Media Contacts
Comments/Op-Eds
Crisisweb
About ICG
Information
Contacts
Funding
Media
Projects
Africa
Asia
Balkans
Latin America
Middle East
Issues

Subscribe to ICG newsletter
 
 
Search
 
 

"A case to convince Indonesians The Bali investigation"
Comment by Sidney Jones in the International Herald Tribune


Why has it taken until now for the Indonesian government to see that the killers of almost 200 people in Bali on Oct. 12 will probably prove to be part of the same network that has carried out dozens of other deadly bombings in Indonesia and the Philippines in the past two years?

The network's members tend to be Indonesians who share three characteristics: previous residence in Malaysia, military experience in either Afghanistan or Ambon in eastern Indonesia, and respect for the Muslim cleric Abu Bakar Bashir, who was detained in October, months after neighboring countries and the United States first urged Indonesia to do so.

Officials in Singapore and Malaysia allege that Bashir is the leader of the Jemaah Islamiyah group that planned to detonate truck bombs against American, British and Australian targets in Singapore with help from Al Qaeda agents, before the plot was discovered and many of those involved arrested and interrogated. Bashir is wanted by Malaysian authorities, also on terrorism-related charges. The Indonesian public remains skeptical of Jemaah Islamiyah's existence and unconvinced of Bashir's ties to Al Qaeda.

So what are the reasons for the Indonesian authorities' delay?

Too many possible villains: Every time a bomb attack occurred in Indonesia between 1999 and 2001, suspicions would fall on the family and friends of former President Suharto, the Indonesian military, or Acehnese separatists.

There were plausible grounds for the first two. Suharto's son Tommy had shown a willingness to use violence to stop corruption, and the military had backed militias in East Timor and Laskar Jihad in Maluku and then denied any responsibility for their actions. The Indonesian police and military often fell back on blaming Acehnese separatists whenever individuals from Aceh province were involved in crimes, without probing other possible affiliations.

Too much noise in the system: In Indonesia's news weeklies, it is striking how articles on earlier bombings are buried amid news of power shifts in Jakarta, presidential impeachments, battles with the International Monetary Fund, outbreaks of communal violence and corruption scandals. Not only was public attention pulled away from the bombings, but presumably investigative resources were as well.

No faith in the police or courts: Law enforcement institutions were so corrupted and politicized under Suharto that many Indonesians are skeptical about the legitimacy of arrests announced by police, the validity of evidence produced in court and the independence of judges hearing high-profile cases. One reason Indonesia is such fertile ground for conspiracy theories is that credibility in government institutions is so low: If you can't believe the official version of events, you construct a logical alternative.

Fear of a Muslim backlash: Indonesia has more Muslims than any other country. The Indonesian government has had to tread extremely cautiously as the network of bombers involves radical Muslims, some of whom have justified their actions in terms of defending Islam against its enemies. Muslims across the political spectrum in Indonesia remain deeply concerned that the war on terror is leading to the targeting of fellow Muslims, and that the new anti-terror legislation will be largely directed against them.

Muslim leaders have expressed fears that with Bashir detained and the Bali investigation focusing on a religious school in East Java Province, the whole religious school system in Indonesia will come under suspicion. President Megawati Sukarnoputri, facing an election in 2004, has no wish to alienate the Muslim community. She represents the country's tradition of secular nationalism but depends on the support of several Islamic parties in Parliament.

The best antidote to all such concerns is evidence. A credible investigation of the Bali bombings is already doing much to undermine the conspiracy theories that were so prevalent in the first weeks after the attack. It will be trickier to pull together all the threads linking the various bombings in a way that ensures not only justice, but public acceptance of the results.

Copyright � 2002 the International Herald Tribune All Rights Reserved

Any comments about this publication? Click here



Home - About ICG - Indonesia Menu - Publications - Media - Contacts - Site Guide - TOP - Credits



Back to the homepage
Latest Reports
Aceh: A Fragile Peace
Report
27 February 2003

Correction to the 8 August 2002 briefing, Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia: The Case of the Ngruki Network in Indonesia
Correction
10 January 2003

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
Report
11 December 2002

"A case to convince Indonesians The Bali investigation"
Comment by Sidney Jones in the International Herald Tribune

Comment
21 November 2002

"From War on Terror to Plain War"
Comment by Sidney Jones in Le Monde Diplomatique

Comment
15 November 2002